Chapter Six: The Fever
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I.
The windows were shut against the city.
This was no longer a precaution but a ritual, and Adams performed it each morning with a stubborn, almost superstitious exactitude — as though sufficient attention to latches might yet hold some portion of the world's disorder at bay. It did not work. The smell of Philadelphia in August came through the casements regardless — a low, sweet corruption that had no single source, that rose from the gutters and the river-mud and the air itself, as though the city were composting from within. He had grown accustomed to it the way one grows accustomed to a bad conscience: never fully, and with increasing difficulty in pretending otherwise.
He sat at his desk in his shirtsleeves. The coat hung on its hook by the door, unwanted. Even in shirtsleeves the heat pressed down, a weight applied uniformly to the skin, and the single lamp threw more warmth than light across the papers before him. He had been composing, for the better part of two hours, a letter to Secretary McHenry.
Sir, he had written, and then a great deal more — three-quarters of a page in his careful, lawyerly hand, building the argument clause by clause as he had once built arguments before the Suffolk County bench: the constitutional arrangement, the prerogatives of the executive, the particular and documented preference he had expressed for General Knox, Knox's prior service, Knox's seniority, the impropriety of permitting any private individual — however distinguished his former service — to dictate the composition of the republic's officer corps to a sitting president. He had been, he thought, admirably restrained. He had not yet written Hamilton's name.
The knock came before he had decided whether to write it.
The messenger was one of the department's junior clerks — a thin young man with a face already reddened by the heat, who extended the dispatch with both hands and retreated before Adams could form a question. The seal was McHenry's. Adams broke it.
He read it through twice. Then he set it on the desk beside his unfinished letter and read it a third time, in the way one reads a document that one hopes will, upon closer examination, say something other than what it says.
It did not.
Washington, the dispatch informed him, had made Hamilton's appointment as Inspector General a condition of his own acceptance of command. The commissions had been prepared and issued. The matter was, the Secretary trusted, now resolved to the President's satisfaction, given the General's indispensable service to the republic and the exigencies of the present moment.
Adams rose from the desk. He crossed to the door, opened it, and called into the corridor: 'Who carried this dispatch?'
The servant at the stair's foot looked up. 'Mr. Dandridge, sir. He is gone.'
'Gone where?'
'To the Gazette, sir. He said the Secretary wished the commissions published in tomorrow's edition.'
Adams shut the door. The latch caught with a dry click. If the commissions appeared in the Gazette of the United States before he countermanded them, the arrangement would harden into precedent — Hamilton above Knox, the army's command structure reordered by private negotiation between Washington and McHenry, and the President reduced to a notary on documents others had already decided. He had perhaps six hours before Fenno set the type. Six hours, and no horse saddled, and McHenry's office a quarter-mile distant through streets the fever had half-emptied. If he failed to stop the publication, the fact of Hamilton's supremacy would be printed, distributed, and read at every coffee-house in Philadelphia before Adams could compose a remonstrance — and a remonstrance, once the commissions were public, would read as the complaint of a man who had lost the argument and knew it.
A sharp twinge of gout in his right foot forced him to grip the desk edge. He waited for it to pass. The sweat on his palms left dark prints on the wood.
He looked at what he had written to McHenry. Three-quarters of a page. The argument was sound. The constitutional reasoning was unimpeachable. The commissions were already issued. And Dandridge was already walking toward the Gazette with the announcement in his coat.
He thought about the uniform. Inspector General of the Republic's Army. Gold braid at the collar, gold braid at the cuff — more gold, he had read in the specifications, than any officer rank below general of the armies, more gold than Adams himself had ever been permitted to wear in any capacity, more gold than a president required for the execution of his civilian office, which was, after all, a republic and not a monarchy, and so the President received no gold at all, only the weight of the thing itself, while Hamilton—
He picked up the letter to McHenry.
He tore it in two.
The sound was small and definitive in the shuttered room. He dropped both halves beside the dispatch and pulled a fresh sheet toward him. He dipped the quill. He wrote: My dearest friend —
Then he set down the quill, pushed back from the desk, and stood at the closed window without opening it, staring at the darkened street through the glass. Below, a dead-cart moved with its patient, iron-wheeled deliberateness — the horse's breath visible even in August's heat, the driver hunched on his board. Adams watched it until it turned the corner and was gone.
He went back to the desk. He did not write the letter.
The clock on the mantel read half past four. Dandridge would reach the Gazette by five.
Adams pulled the bell-cord. When the servant appeared he said, without looking up: 'Send a boy to Fenno's office. He is to say the President requires that no commissions be published until further instruction. He is to wait for Fenno's written acknowledgement and bring it here.'
The servant hesitated. 'Sir, the streets — the fever—'
'Find a boy who has already had it, then. Go.'
II.
He read her letters aloud when she was not there to hear them. It was a habit formed across the years of their separations — Paris, London, the long Atlantic crossings — and he had never broken it, though he had more than once been discovered by a servant, and had met their surprise with the composure of a man who requires no explanation.
He unfolded the letter and smoothed it against the desk. The paper carried the faint smell of Quincy — something of woodsmoke, something of the garden, the dryness of a house that stood on a hill and caught the sea-wind. He held it a moment before he began.
Her voice, as he rendered it, was warmer than the room deserved.
My dearest friend, — and here the ink was darker, the pen freshly charged, she had begun this letter in the morning — the news of Mr. Bache's arrest has reached me by way of Mr. Cranch, and I confess it has restored to me a composure I had not known I lacked. That a man should be permitted, season upon season, to pour his poison into the public mind, under the shield of a liberty he would deny to every other expression of opinion, is not freedom. It is the freedom of the arsonist, who claims the right to fire as any man fires his hearth.
He turned the page. The house was quiet around him — the servants below stairs, the street outside reduced to the occasional footfall, someone moving quickly and not stopping. No wheels. The dead-cart had already made its morning passage; the afternoon belonged to the living, such as remained.
I will say further, and I say it plainly, that to permit the Aurora to continue after the passage of the Act was itself a species of negligence. The Constitution does not require us to furnish our enemies with the press by which they undo it. You have been too gentle, too long. Providence has now corrected what forbearance left undone.
He stopped. He read the sentence again, his lips moving without sound.
Providence. As though the law's machinery had been insufficient and a fever had been sent to complete it. He set the letter face-down on the desk and pressed his palm flat against it — the paper cool against his hand, and the room not, and he needed a moment before he trusted himself to go on.
He sat with his hand on the letter and thought about what it meant that Abigail had written this. Not Pickering. Not Hamilton. Abigail, who had read more law than most men who practised it, who had argued him out of half his worst impulses and into half his best ones across forty years of correspondence — Abigail had written Providence has now corrected what forbearance left undone, and had meant it, and had sent it to him across a hundred miles of post-road with the expectation that he would receive it as comfort.
He rose and crossed to the side table. Three sealed issues of the Aurora lay there, accumulated over the past weeks while he had attended to the correspondence that pressed harder. He took up the first. The seal broke under his thumbnail with a dry snap, and the paper unrolled with a smell of ink and press-oil and something beneath both — type-metal and the sweat of the men who set it, the working smell of a room that had been silenced.
He read.
Bache's prose was not elegant. It drove forward like someone who has decided the shortest distance between two points is the only distance worth travelling, and it struck its objects squarely, without ceremony. Here was an accounting of the naval estimates, and the figures were largely correct — more correct, Adams noted with a discomfort he could not dismiss, than the figures McHenry had provided to Congress. Here was a passage on the Alien Acts, which cited the Constitution with the dogged accuracy of a man who had plainly read the document and expected others to have done the same. Here, toward the lower column, an attack on the President himself — personal, in places unfair, in one instance plainly wrong — but beside it, in a different register, a question that was not unfair at all: by what authority does a republic silence those who question its authority?
Adams set the paper down. He picked it up again. He read the question a second time and then spoke it aloud into the empty room, and it sounded worse in his own voice — heavier, more damning — because he was the man to whom it was addressed and he did not have the answer.
He took up the next issue, broke its seal, and read that one too. He read it carefully, without flinching, and without the relief of finding it mistaken. If Bache died — and the fever was killing men younger and stronger than Bache — this question would die with him, unanswered, and Adams would carry the silence of it for the rest of his administration. The Act would have silenced the Aurora. The fever might silence the man. Neither silence would constitute a reply.
He folded both issues and placed them in the desk's left drawer, beneath his personal correspondence, where no secretary would find them. Then he picked up Abigail's letter and read it through to its end — the domestic particulars, the news of Mr. Cranch's health, her love — and when he set it down the second time he left it face-up on the desk, where the lamp's light fell across her handwriting, and he did not look at it again.
III.
The lime had been laid fresh that morning, white and caustic along the gutter's edge, and it caught in Adams's throat before he had gone twenty paces from the President's House. He pressed on. The afternoon air sat heavy and without movement, thickened by something beyond mere August heat — a sweetness that was not sweet, that clung to the back of the palate and did not release. Three doors on the block bore black crepe. A fourth stood open, the family already fled.
He walked because he needed to think, and he could not think in the shuttered house, where every room held a document requiring his signature or his silence, and the distinction between the two had grown difficult to maintain.
The streets near the waterfront were not empty — the fever never emptied a city cleanly, it thinned it, left the poor and the stubborn and the reckless moving through spaces that had lately held twice their number. A woman with a cloth pressed to her nose crossed to the far side of Second Street as he approached. A cart turned the corner ahead, its bed covered with canvas that did not conceal its contents' weight. He looked at the sky instead.
He was nearly past the narrow lane that ran beside Bache's printing establishment when the young man stepped out of the shadows.
Nineteen, perhaps — ink-stained to the elbows, his coat gone and his shirt damp through. He stopped when he saw Adams. He did not bow.
'Mr. President.'
Adams stopped. The face before him was open in a way that had nothing to do with respect — the openness of exhaustion, of one frightened past the capacity for calculation.
'He's dying.' The apprentice said it without preamble. 'Mr. Bache. The fever took him three days ago. The press has gone quiet. I don't know when it'll speak again, if it does.'
The sweetness in the air was stronger here, near the printing house — the lime-wash could not cover it. Adams raised his handkerchief to his face.
'The fever has accomplished,' the young man said, his voice dropping into something not quite steady, 'what the law could not.'
Adams stumbled on an uneven cobblestone slick with lime-wash and caught himself against a doorframe, the jolt running up through his gouty foot and forcing a sharp breath from him. He recovered. The apprentice watched him without moving to assist.
Adams lowered the handkerchief. He looked at the young man directly — looked at the ink on his forearms, the damp shirt, the face stripped of its deference not by insolence but by grief.
'Has he a physician attending him?' The question came out smaller than he intended. 'Dr. Rush — I can send word to Dr. Rush, if there is not already a physician in attendance. Rush has been in the thick of it these three weeks, he knows the fever's course better than any man in—'
'There's a physician.' The apprentice held his gaze. 'It doesn't matter what the physician knows.'
The silence held. Somewhere south, a wheel ground on cobblestone, growing fainter.
Adams did not return the handkerchief to his face, though the air pressed at him, thick and insistent.
'I am sorry,' he said at last.
The apprentice turned and went back into the shadow of the lane. The printing house door shut behind him. Adams stood in the street alone, the lime-smell working at his throat, the black crepe on the doors up the block lifting faintly in a breath of air too weak to be called a wind.
He stood there longer than he should have. He was the President, standing in a plague street before a shuttered printing house, and he had nothing to offer but a physician's name and an apology, and both had been refused, and he deserved the refusal, and the lime-smell would not leave his throat.
IV.
The coffee came in at seven, carried by a servant who set the cup at the desk's corner and withdrew without a word, as the household had learned to do in seasons of dispatch. Adams sat in his morning clothes, a banyan over his shirt, his feet in slippers against the floor's chill — the first morning in six weeks that had offered anything approaching coolness, the air through the window glass carrying the faint, clean sharpness of autumn's approach. He noticed it with surprise, and then with the beginning of something else, something he did not yet have a name for.
The dispatches lay in their usual order. He opened the first, and the second. Routine consular matters — a cargo dispute at Baltimore, a request for clarification on tonnage duties. He reached for the third, broke its seal, unfolded it.
He read it twice.
Benjamin Franklin Bache, editor of the General Advertiser, known as the Aurora, died the tenth instant of the yellow fever, at his residence in this city. He was twenty-nine years of age.
The cup sat at the desk's edge, the coffee still steaming. Adams lifted it to his lips. He paused. He set it down untasted.
He sat with the dispatch in his hand and did not move.
Twenty-nine years of age. Bache had been arraigned under an Act that bore Adams's signature, awaiting trial for writing things that Adams, in the privacy of his own study, had recognised as the crude and necessary voice of a republic that cannot survive without opposition — the voice that asks the question no one in authority wishes to answer. The fever had intervened. The law had not been required to complete its work.
And Adams had held the door open. He had not willed Bache's ruin. He had simply not prevented it — had signed the Act, had read the Aurora in secret and filed it beneath his personal correspondence, had stood in a plague street and offered a physician's name when what was wanted was the repeal of a statute. The distinction between willing a thing and permitting it, which had seemed adequate in the abstract, did not survive the dispatch in his hand.
He set the paper on the desk. He looked at it.
The coffee cooled beside him, the thin curl of vapour thinning until it ceased.
He thought of the apprentice in the lane — the ink on his forearms, the face worn down past deference, the flat declaration delivered to a president who had raised his handkerchief against the air and offered what he could not give. It doesn't matter what the physician knows. The boy had already understood what Adams was only now arriving at: that the machinery of suppression, once set in motion, does not require the death of its intended object to accomplish its purpose. Bache was dead. The Act remained. Duane would take up the press within the fortnight — Adams was certain of it — and the Act would be waiting for him, loaded and primed, and Adams's signature was on it, and the next editor who asked Bache's question would face the same machinery with no fever needed to finish the work.
He went to the window and opened it — the first time in weeks — and the morning air came in, cool and carrying the smell of the river and, beneath it, faintly, the lime that had been laid along the gutters. He stood at the casement and breathed it in and did not flinch from it.
Then he turned back to the desk, drew a fresh sheet toward him, uncapped the inkwell, and took up his quill. He wrote nothing — no salutation, no heading — only a single line of notes, the handwriting of a man thinking faster than his pen:
Murray at The Hague. Channels. What France has said and what Pickering has chosen to transmit.
He stared at the line. He set down the quill.
The war Pickering was prosecuting at home and the war Pickering was prosecuting against France were the same war. Adams had been slow to see it, and the slowness had cost him — had cost Bache, had cost the Aurora, had cost the republic something it might not recover. If he could open a channel to Paris through Murray — quietly, without Pickering's knowledge or Hamilton's interference — he might yet retrieve the peace before the Federalist war faction made it impossible. But if Pickering discovered the attempt before Adams had secured French assurances, the Secretary would carry the intelligence straight to Hamilton, and Hamilton would carry it to the Gazette, and Adams would be destroyed not by the opposition but by his own cabinet.
He folded the sheet and placed it inside the desk's locked drawer. The key he put in his waistcoat, against his chest.
The open casement let in the sound of the city resuming its morning — a vendor's call, the clop of a horse on the cobblestones, a child's voice somewhere near. The coffee sat cold and untouched at the desk's far edge. Adams did not reach for it. He sat with his palms flat on the desk's surface and considered the locked drawer, and the question that had been forming since the apprentice turned his back in the lane took its final shape: not whether to act, but whether he had waited too long already.
V.
Pickering arrived without announcement, which was itself a declaration.
Adams heard him in the anteroom — the economy of motion with which the Secretary occupied space, no unnecessary sound, no cleared throat, the particular stillness of a man who has already decided he owns what he has not yet entered — and drew both palms flat on the desk's surface. The drawer at his right knee he left untouched.
'Mr. President.' Pickering's entrance displaced the air. A draught from the opening door caught several loose pages from the desk's right corner and scattered them; Adams did not move to retrieve them. Let Pickering see what they were — consular trivia, tonnage disputes, nothing that mattered.
'Mr. Secretary.'
Pickering laid a sheaf of papers on the corner of the desk nearest him, away from Adams's reach. Pre-drafted — the department's clerks had a distinctive heading, ruled in blue, the sections already numbered.
'Continuation orders,' Pickering said. 'For enforcement of the Sedition Act against those editors who will move to fill the void left by the Aurora. The language requires only your signature. It is, to be observed, a matter of administrative continuity rather than new policy.'
Adams looked at the papers. He did not touch them. 'Bache is dead one day,' he said.
'He is, sir. Which is precisely why the matter admits no delay.' Pickering moved to the desk's side and opened the sheaf, turning it so the signature line faced Adams. A pen already lay at the papers' edge — brought, Adams understood, for the purpose. 'Lyon in Vermont. Cooper in Pennsylvania. Duane, who will resume at the Aurora within the fortnight. The opposition press does not mourn its own — it reconstitutes. If the President delays, the window for orderly enforcement closes, and we are left with a situation that requires considerably less orderly measures.'
The glass paperweight threw its pale oval across the floor. A cart passed in the street below, iron shoes on cobblestones, and then silence.
'Mr. Pickering.' Adams's voice was level. 'Do you believe the republic is made safer by the death of a printer?'
A pause — not long, but genuine.
'The republic is made safer by the enforcement of its laws, Mr. President. The printer's death is immaterial to the question.'
'Is it.' Adams looked up at him. 'I find I cannot agree. The question and the death seem, at present, rather closely associated in my mind.' He pushed the sheaf back across the desk toward Pickering — not violently, but with a deliberateness that left no ambiguity about the direction of travel. 'I will not sign them today.'
Pickering did not take the papers. He left them where Adams had pushed them, at the desk's midpoint, between the two men. 'May I inquire when the President anticipates being in a position to—'
'You may not.'
Pickering's jaw tightened. He placed one finger on the sheaf's edge and slid it back toward Adams — three inches, no more, but the gesture was unmistakable. 'Then I must inform the President that the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Treasury have both expressed, in writing, their expectation that enforcement will proceed without interruption. Their letters are in my office. I can produce them within the hour.'
Adams stood. The chair scraped against the floor. He leaned forward, both fists on the desk, and the gout shrieked through his right foot but he did not sit down.
'You may produce what you like, Mr. Pickering. You may produce letters from every secretary in the government and from the General himself. The signature required is mine, and it is not forthcoming. Is there anything in that sentence that wants clarification?'
Pickering withdrew his hand from the sheaf. He straightened. The silence between them had the quality of a wire drawn to its limit — one more turn and it would snap or sing.
'There is one further matter.' Pickering's voice had not changed — still measured, still precise — but something behind it had rearranged itself. 'I am informed that the President has made inquiries regarding Mr. Murray's situation at The Hague. Through channels that did not pass through this department.'
Adams's fists, planted on the desk, did not move. The key pressed against his chest through the cloth of his waistcoat. He had been careful. He had written nothing that had left this room. Which meant Pickering had not intercepted a letter — he had intercepted a person. The servant, perhaps. Or someone else entirely. It did not matter. Pickering knew, and Pickering had come today not merely to obtain a signature but to establish, in the most precise and courteous terms available to him, that he knew.
'I have made no inquiries that fall outside the President's constitutional authority,' Adams said. Each word placed like a stone in a wall.
'No, sir. But inquiries conducted outside the knowledge of the Secretary of State fall outside the customary practice of this government. And custom, as the President is aware, is the ligature that holds the cabinet to the executive. Cut it, and the limb may move independently.'
'That will be all, Mr. Secretary.'
Pickering collected his continuation orders without haste, squaring them against his palm. At the door he paused — barely a breath — and then went through it. The draught was gone.
Adams remained standing, both fists still on the desk, until he heard the outer door close. Then he sat. The gout pulsed in his foot. He did not reach for the key.
Pickering was, at this moment, crossing the anteroom with the unsigned orders in his hand, already composing the letter he would send to Hamilton in New York before nightfall. Adams had perhaps a week before that letter produced its consequences — a remonstrance from Washington, a caucus meeting, a motion in the Senate demanding disclosure of all diplomatic correspondence with France. Perhaps less. Perhaps the letter was already written, and Pickering had come today only to confirm what he had already set in motion.
The continuation orders were gone. The coffee cup sat cold at the desk's far edge. The casement admitted the smell of the street — lime and river and the faint sweetness beneath, which the morning's coolness had not entirely dispersed.
He had opened that window himself, an hour ago, and breathed what came through it, and not flinched. He did not close it now.
The question was no longer which of them would move first — Pickering had already moved — but whether Adams could reach Murray at The Hague before Pickering reached Hamilton in New York, and what would remain of his presidency if he lost that race. He knew the answer to the second part. He had known it since he read the dispatch that morning, since he stood at the open casement and smelled the lime in the air and understood that the city was still composting, and that he had held the door, and that holding it had been a choice, and that choices of that kind do not remain private indefinitely. Somewhere in New York, Hamilton was waiting for a letter. The letter was being written. Adams had one week, perhaps less, and the locked drawer held the only instrument he possessed that might yet be sufficient — a name, a channel, a thread of correspondence that Pickering did not yet know the full dimensions of. He would pull it before Pickering could cut it, or he would not pull it at all.